The study attempts to find out the reality of military penetration of Egypt’s local administration; how far this pattern of administration is effective, to society or to regime, as well as its viability and likely survival. The paper also attempts to explore whether this military domination of local government is due to existence of a (fundamental) authoritarian need, or to an (objective) need for a strong local authority after a revolution that led to loosening grip of the central government?
This study sheds light on private companies working in the field of security protection and military interventions. The importance of this study lies in highlighting the role of these companies in international wars and conflicts as a major reliable actor. The study discusses how far the activities of these companies are legal from the perspective of international law, especially international humanitarian law.
The study addresses sources of sovereignty in the Iranian political system, at the intellectual and constitutional level, and their repercussions on the principle of balance between powers. The study is divided into two main axes: the first relates to the development of theories of Shiite political thought, with focus on four main theories: the taqiyya (dissimulation) theory, the limited public deputization or representation (of Imam), Velayat-al-Faqih (guardianship of the jurist), and the absolute Velayat-al-Faqih. The second axis is related to reviewing the sources of sovereignty in the Iranian Constitution, first by addressing the three sources of sovereignty: Allah, Nation, and Vali al-Faqih; second, the official political institutions sanctioned by the Constitution, and the extent of dominance of the leader (Vali al-Faqih) over those institutions, and how far the principle of balance between powers is achieved.
Tunisia has been moving at a steady pace towards democratic transformation since the outbreak of the Tunisian revolution in late 2010, until it became, according to most international classifications, a democratic state, compared to the rest of the Arab experiences whose revolutions were aborted through counter-revolutions and popular despair or were not able to move forward in their path towards democracy. Thus, the Tunisian experience was considered the exception and the ideal model for democratic liberation from the grip of tyranny among the peoples of the Arab world. Despite the fact that democracy was the one that brought the "independent" Kais Saied as elected president of the Tunisian republic; however, he created political and administrative disputes that led to the undermining of state agencies and disruption of government activities, posing threats to public interests.
The study addresses the political scene before the latest polls or the furnishing of the scene of 8 September 2021, so to speak, mainly due to the fact that the performance of the previous government was a major determinant of the electoral behavior of the citizen. The study also deals with the behavior of political parties and elites with the main political actor in Morocco. Certainly, this whole pattern does not go without the practice of democratic action in the country, as modern Morocco took its first step in this path at the beginning of the second millennium.
The Horn of Africa's security and social environment
This paper raises a question about the characteristics of the process of distribution of medical aid within the region or in the outside world. It also examines cases of normalization with the Zionist entity in the context of the COVID-19 Pandemic. It attempts to provide answers to questions like: Have relations within the Middle East region been affected by the Covid-19 Pandemic in terms of conflict and cooperation trends? Did the aid, whether distributed within the region or sent to the outside world, have similar or different patterns? What is the impact of Arab-Arab relations on the pattern of aid distribution?
A widespread debate is often raised among decision-makers about the possibility of creating areas of cooperation between various political units in light of their conflicting interests. As it is the case between the United States and China: Despite the differences and contradictions in their interests, there are many reasons and indicators that can lead to cooperation and dialogue between them. The United States is aware that there is decline in many indicators within resources of its comprehensive power, economically, militarily and politically, in addition to decline of its international status, in light of the emergence of new international poles with ever increasing roles.
In light of the great development, the international environment has been characterized by rapid change and transformation. The international activities have been characterized by continuous change, where the crises and political, economic and social turmoil have generated a state of international instability, which in turn resulted in international intervention that has contributed to achievement of the strategic interests of the major powers. While energy has, since its discovery, constituted international conflict between the major powers, it has resulted in a state of instability in the nature of international relations, as oil and natural gas are strategic variables controlled by states to achieve political, economic or military gains. Therefore, each country has a strategy related to energy affairs, whether it is a producer or a consumer, in line with the accelerating international changes that have become an essential feature in the nature of international interactions.
This study addresses the legal problematics raised by the Russian war on Ukraine from the perspective of international law, including: the legal conditioning of the Russian invasion of Ukraine; how a state may define certain events as threats to its national security that allows it to intervene militarily in the territory of another state, using concepts like the “minority pretext” or the “minority instrument” to justify its actions, as happened in the Crimea (of mostly Russian-speaking population) in 2014, and in Abkhazia and South Ossetia in 2008. The study also addresses the judicial bodies entrusted with hearing cases related to the Russian invasion of Ukraine; the value of the unilateral recognition of separatist entities in international law (South Ossetia and Abkhazia in 2008, Donetsk and Luhansk in 2022); how far the secession of “Donetsk” and “Luhansk” is legal from the perspective of international law; and finally whether Russia can be stripped of Security Council membership.
