This paper addresses the role of the media, and the social networking sites during the Covid-19 Pandemic that have recently swept the world. During the first phase of the virus outbreak, the media was a little confused in covering the pandemic, due to lack of information about the pandemic, where the media activity was limited to dissemination of recommendations and advice on social distancing and means of prevention. But after a while, the traditional media became more present and more professional, given the fact that the public turned to media as a reliable source of news, after rumors, fallacies, myths, conspiracy theories and others had spread widely among people, especially through social media. Therefore, the spread of the virus and people's panic boosted confidence in the media, whose presence had declined in the past years due to the public's shift towards social networking sites. Social media had a new experience with the spread of a virus, but this experience was marred by many errors, at the beginning. However, after a short while, social networking sites organized themselves and adapted to the new reality, and even turned the challenge into an opportunity, through which they increased the number of participants and interactors, millions of people around the world, which increased their profits by billions of dollars. The paper concludes that since the era of viruses is not likely to end with the Covid-19 Pandemic, taking advantage of the experience of addressing the Covid-19 Pandemic will be extremely effective in any upcoming entitlement on the global level.
Monetary policies play a vital role in supporting economic activity and preserving economic stability by maintaining price stability, facing inflation, and building confidence in economy, which supports investment and achieves high growth rates. In this regard, the great role played by central banks in the wake of the outbreak of the Coronavirus Pandemic has been extremely evident. However, many debates have been raised about the credibility of central banks and their monetary policies, after relying on them as a major liquidity source has become common in the aftermath of the Covid-19 Pandemic, as they may intervene when markets are exposed to any risks. After successive interventions of central banks in previous economic crises, and then the intensive interventions after the Covid-19 crisis, investors have become accustomed to occurrence of these interventions based on and trusting the roles played by central banks. This study aims to explore the future of central banks in the wake of the Covid-19 Pandemic, in addition to seeking achievement of a set of sub-objectives, including: 1- Learning about the most important procedures taken by central banks to face the repercussions of the Coronavirus. 2- Reviewing the challenges facing central banks. 3- Exploring the future of central banks after the Covid-19 crisis.
This study reviews the effects of the spread of the Covid-19 Pandemic on armies around the world, especially their readiness, operational tasks, training and military equipment, as well as the role of armies and security services in supporting health and administrative authorities to address this pandemic. The armies have addressed the Covid-19 Pandemic as they usually do in facing an organized attack, as they have taken preventive measures, including preparing instructions to prevent the spread of the virus. Also, military activities were reorganized, procedures were taken to preserve the readiness of forces and the national security interest of the state by protection of individuals through the use of the triple: quarantine, closure and social distancing, in addition to wearing masks. Later, the vaccination became mandatory for all military personnel. The strange thing about the phenomenon of the spread of the Covid-19 Pandemic is that although the global economy has dramatically declined, the armament sector alone has flourished amid the rise of spending on arms deals, in pursuit of ensuring the strength reasons for self-defense or assaulting others.
This paper introduces a review of the most significant reports and analyses published by major international newspapers and magazines that addressed the scandal of Tom Barrack, the advisor to former US President Donald Trump and head of his inauguration committee in 2017, especially with respect to the accusation directed against him of secretly plotting to influence US policy for the advantage of the United Arab Emirates. The paper also addresses the scandal of the Pegasus program, a spyware that was developed by the Israeli NSO Group, and was used by several dictatorial regimes around the world against their opponents, most notably the UAE government.
The study, published by the International Affairs Journal, Volume 94, Issue 1, in January 2018, by the American thinker G. John Ikenberry, titled "The end of liberal international order?", stated that over seven decades the world has been dominated by a western liberal order. After the Second World War, the United States and its partners built a multifaceted and sprawling international order, organized around economic openness, multilateral institutions, security cooperation and democratic solidarity.
This study does not aim to identify the course of historical and political events in Egypt in a detailed way, rather it does aim to monitor the ideas and visions that controlled the course of violence and its manifestations in the dialectic of religion and the state. Therefore, the paper focused on studying the case of the Muslim Brotherhood, being the first Islamic movement that emerged in modern Islamic history. Given the fact that the Muslim Brotherhood have showed its hatred of national states from the group’s very beginning, the Islamic movement was accused of practice of violence against the state since its inception to its rise to power.
The human rights and freedoms are among the basic elements on which democratic systems are based. These rights have received wide-range attention in contemporary history in light of the extension of guarantees for their protection internationally, regionally and locally under international charters and internal legislation, with the aim of achieving the main goals and objectives of building a state with sound democratic foundations under the values and principles of freedom, justice, and the rule of law. The Arab region has witnessed revolutions and protests in order to achieve a democratic transition based on respect of the values of rights and freedoms, but unfortunately this was not achieved in the presence of a real crisis experienced by regional countries due to absence of a democratic culture, and the monopoly of power by the military. Based on this, Egypt has been witnessing serious human rights violations and repression of basic freedoms since the 3 July 2013 coup d’etat, where Egyptians who reject the hegemony of military rule have been exposed to countless killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances, extrajudicial executions, and unfair trials. The central reason for the widespread occurrence of these grave violations is the nature of the Sisi military regime, which used repression to intimidate Egyptians across their political spectra and tighten its security grip on them, to prevent them from demanding their rights advocated in the January Revolution, most prominently to free Egypt from the grip of military tyranny and transform it into a civil and democratic state.
Over the last few years, Turkey has crystallized an initiative foreign policy in the region, in contrast to its self-centered foreign policy since the founding of the Republic of Turkey in 1923. There has recently become a regional Turkish project whose general features can be seen through monitoring the roles that Ankara is currently playing in a number of countries, most notably Syria, Iraq and Libya. This paper addresses the variables of Turkish foreign policy in recent years, Turkey's regional role in various issues and countries, its impact on many of them. It also addresses the most important features of Turkey's regional project, and its status among regional axes and alignments.
The central problem of the study was to answer the following question: What is the impact of the new security threats in the Mediterranean basin on the strategic dimension of Algerian national security? The paper used several complementary approaches in order to reach a solution to the problem at hand. Therefore, it relied upon the historical method that helped to place the study in its surroundings and basic conditions. Also, the study used the descriptive approach in order to provide an accurate description of the phenomenon under study and its various and multiple reasons.
This paper attempts to identify features of the Egyptian-Turkish rapprochement. It also addresses the strategic and non-strategic motives of this rapprochement and seeks to explore its future prospects. Contrary to popular belief, Egypt and Turkey -together- have been keen to maintain a relatively moderate degree of warm relations over the past seven years following the military coup, which enabled bilateral ties to develop positively. The paper states that while the Egyptian negative propaganda aims to secure a degree of legitimacy for the regime under the banner of subjugating Turkey, Turkish positive propaganda aims to preserve the positive trend of the Egyptian state and push it forward within the framework of enhancement of bilateral relations or at least maintaining warm relations at their current levels. However, according to the paper, relations between the two countries at the level of presidential institutions are still strained, which may be due to the pressures exerted by the Egyptian regime’s Gulf sponsors, or to the Turkish presidency’s rejection of the idea of military coups and violation of the will of the peoples.
Through extrapolating the Chinese, Iranian and Arab positions, this paper attempts to explore the ongoing transformations in China's relationship with the region, anticipate the coming Chinese role therein, and how the Arab countries will act in a future where the American influence in the Arab region may recede, while both the Chinese and Iranian influence may grow. In this regard, the paper attempts to answer the following questions: 1. Is there a real positive shift in China's foreign policy towards the region, and what are the manifestations of such shift? 2. How will the developing Arab-Chinese relations affect the Arab countries relations with regional countries and major international powers? 3. Was China's signing of an agreement with Iran a real shift in their relations, and what are the manifestations of that likely shift? 4. How will China deal with the contradictions prevailing in the region? 5. Will the region turn into a conflict zone between China and the United States, and what is the Arab position in this case?
The levels of studying the phenomena or individual concepts completely differ from the levels of studying the phenomena of intertwined concepts. This means that the study of the relationships between theoretical concepts or real phenomena require that the analysis be deeper and more considerate of the requirements of intertwining, overlapping, intersection, compatibility and interaction. Based on this, examination of the relationship between the “religious” and the “political” is most needed in regard with this assertion. Therefore, it requires facing four main problematics: a theoretical problematic, a realistic problematic, a problematic related to the relationship between theory and reality, and finally a problematic related to multiplicity of approaches that can intersect with the “religious” and “political”.
The research paper published in English by the British Environmental Research Letters, titled “Egypt's water budget deficit and suggested mitigation policies for the GERD filling scenarios” by Prof. Dr. Essam Heggy et al. states that “the Nile's altered flow will present a challenging water deficit for Egypt—the quantification and mitigation of which are still largely unconstrained and under intense debate. To address this deficiency, the paper estimates that the median total annual water budget deficit for Egypt during the filling period, considering seepage into the fractured rocks below and around the GERD reservoir, the intrinsic water deficit and assuming no possible mitigation efforts by the Egyptian authorities, will be -31 BCM/yr, which would surpass one third of Egypt's current total water budget. Given the importance of the research topic, and the devastating effects that the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam may have on Egypt, as shown by the study, the Egypt Institute Journal has published the research in Arabic for the benefit of Arab researchers.