The study reviews the history of philosophy, considered the "love of wisdom", and the history of great philosophers. It also addresses the three major topics of philosophy: existence (ontology) addressing the origin of the universe, the cause of existence, theology and destiny...etc.; knowledge (epistemology) addressing the basis of knowledge, its limits, ways to access it, and what is the truth .... etc.; and values (axiology) addressing beauty, good and evil, morals...etc.
The problematic that this paper attempts to address is: Are we talking about "Tawasol" (communication), in the sense that it refers to 'the exchange of ideas, information and opinions between two or more parties', or "Ittisal" (also communication) in the sense that it refers to "the connection between two or more parties"? Is it just a difference in conceptual uses between the Maghreb countries and the Mashreq countries?; Or is it more than fundamental differences that occurred to the concept during stages of its development? Finally, what is the relationship of the communication science with the systemic approach and institutional organization?
This research paper aims to address: the Russian experience in employing non-state actors, the Russian motives for developing the industry of the private military and security companies, the origins of Wagner Group’s inception, its foreign activities, its relationship with the Russian security services, and the limits of Wagner Group’s influence at the field level.
Information is a key feature of the age in which we live, where some have even called it the "information age". Information gains its importance from its spread and exchange between humans, especially in light of the existence of information networks that transfer information across countries, opening wonderful new horizons for humanity and humanity. As much as this represents hopes, dreams and promising expectations, it raises many security concerns, risks and problems.
The study proceeds from the fact that the challenges facing development in Arab countries after the Arab Spring revolutions, which constitute a challenge in themselves, include: technical challenges, such as lack of funding; political challenges, with regard to the level of coordination and cooperation; and security challenges such as armed conflicts, extremism, terrorism, and the refugee crisis, which have all been imposed on the process of formulating and implementing Arab development policies, where security challenges also affect the development gains of these countries. Therefore, development policies are considered one of the most important solutions to achieve the desired development. The success of development policies requires fulfillment of several conditions, such as provision of democratic institutions that can enable citizens to participate in politics, freely choose from among available development options, with the need to achieve social justice in society. The problematic of the paper is: How can the Arab revolutions contribute to formulating and adopting development policies to achieve social justice and preserve dignity and equality, in light of the challenges facing development in Arab countries?
This paper attempts to answer the question: What is the role of technology in the major transformations we are experiencing today? It starts from redefining and visualizing technology as a major phenomenon in our time that affects and is affected by the capitalist context in which it was produced and its ruling values; and how this influence appears in directing the development of technology towards one direction rather than another. Therefore, it is not possible to develop technology that may serve our Muslim context according to a model developed in a capitalist context that contradicts the premises of the Muslim context. If the perception of technology is tuned to fit the Muslim context, then technological latency may have important roles in the major transformations we are experiencing. The paper suggests some of these transformations and allows the reader to rationalize and add to these suggestions.
The paper proceeds from the fact that the nation is the vital field for laying the foundations of idealism and achieving the values that constitute its most important goals. It also manifests the peak of perceptual and doctrinal homogeneity, with emphasis on the moral and intellectual side. Therefore, the nation must be a present, not absent cultural actor. This perception must generate a "research case" that results in a model that presents a holistic view of the world around us, with the possibility of effectively interacting with it.
The main questions that this paper seeks to answer are: Is this optimism based on realistic foundations? Is Biden really able to adopt trends and policies that can support the process of political change in the Arab region in general, in Egypt in particular? Are there restrictions that may limit the adoption of such policies? The paper is divided into two main sections: the first topic is about the general determinants of the Biden administration's foreign policy; the second topic is about the attitudes of the Biden administration towards political change in Egypt, its determinants and indicators.
This study proceeds through two axes: the first addresses the perceptions of a number of Arab, Egyptian and foreign experts and observers about the future, and the points of agreement and disagreement between them. In the second axis, the researcher presents a reading of the scene through three sub-axes. The first sub-axis starts from extrapolating features and indicators of the deep popular division. The second sub-axis relates to developments of the Egyptian political scene. The third sub-axis addresses the erosion of society's sources of power, with a focus on businessmen, civil society and Al-Azhar institution. In conclusion, the paper introduces an outlook, taking into account the presence of relevant external variables.
