The paper addresses aspects of the damage caused by the Covid-19 Pandemic to work areas, particularly informal work, and ways and programs to achieve social/economic safety for the working groups. The paper is divided into three axes: In the first axis, the paper introduces a brief presentation of the most prominent repercussions of the Covid-19 Pandemic on the Egyptian economy; then an analysis of the consequences of the pandemic on the labor market in Egypt, in terms of inflation rates and wages; and indicators of the deterioration of the labor market and the increase in unemployment, especially among informal workers in the service, retail, agricultural, and manufacturing sectors. In the second axis, the paper sheds light on the poverty rates, and the damages inflicted on the informal sector in particular. Then the paper moves to discuss the most important means of support and "rescue" offered by international institutions in this regard.
The impact of COVID-19 on the military and defense industries can be assessed through three main topics: human resources, manufacturing and logistic networks, and programs and budgets. The most prominent danger posed by Corona was the threat to human life. As the pandemic rapidly spread across the world, infecting tens of millions following its outbreak in China in late 2019, which led to the interruption of social and commercial life for several months, and caused a considerable workforce loss due to deaths or temporary inability resulting from the epidemic effects on those infected. This impact was particularly pronounced in small and medium-sized companies that usually employ a small number of personnel. Due to the closures, quarantine and leaves, companies were unable to continue their routine work as they had used to.
This study attempts to monitor the state of dialogue that has arisen between the right and the left in the United States, where thinkers believe that the dispute between the two parties will not return as before. The study addresses this topic by exploring the impact of the Covid-19 crisis on the dialogue between the right and the left through three axes: the post-Corona social policies, the economic policies and the situation of the working class, and the international cooperation vision.
the paper introduces the most prominent countries that have formed role models in managing the Corona crisis, and the strategy that they adopted to achieve this pioneering experience. The paper states that the majority of countries failed to manage the Covid-19 crisis because of authoritarian or weak leaders who proven incompetent in times of crisis due to underestimation of the nature and gravity of the crisis and absence of clear visions to address it, which was reflected by wrong and random decisions that constituted a dangerous turning point in turning the crisis into a real disaster. Meanwhile, some countries succeeded in managing the crisis thanks to good governance embodied by a group of leaders that drew up an expanded strategy, and made urgent and decisive decisions, which led to containing the pandemic and its economic and social repercussions.
The paper proceeds from the fact that since the UN General Assembly overwhelming voted in 2012 in favor of granting Palestine non-Member Observer State status in the United Nations, Israel, along with the United States, realized that recognition of Palestine as a full-fledged State is a matter of time, especially since the number of countries that voted in favor was 138. Therefore, the course of the Palestinian cause in the future is likely to change, and the occupation authorities will face a full-fledged state. In addition, Israel desires to integrate into the Arab nation to protect its borders, especially after the Arab Spring revolutions, therefore, a number of policies are likely to be implemented to secure realization of this target, as desired by both "Israel" and America.
The basic hypothesis discussed in this paper is: the feasibility and potential of the Islamic project in light of a global reality formulated by Western secular modernity, where it has been controlling its joints since the era of decline witnessed by the Arab Islamic nation, despite the resistance at the popular level against the remnants of this colonialism, especially the political and intellectual aspects. This resistance escalates with the popular awareness and insight that the worst remnants of this colonialism are those despotic tyrannical entities that deprive the Arab and Islamic masses from the dream of renaissance and true liberation.
The study discusses a number of questions related to the nature of the international transformations that the world is going through nowadays, including: Can the international liberal order that has been led by the United States since the end of World War II and then boosted after the Cold War, withstand the crises and challenges it is facing, or we are currently witnessing its end? What alternative will the world accept in the foreseeable future? Can rising powers such as China and Russia replace the United States and build and lead an alternative order, or they will seek to reintroduce it according to their own geopolitical visions and aspirations?
The researcher sought to answer the following questions: What are the conceptual frameworks that govern political transformations in Egypt after the January 2011 revolution? What are the policies and practices adopted by the ruling military regime in Egypt to consolidate hegemony and authoritarianism in the face of revolutionary forces? What are the policies and practices adopted by the revolutionary forces, in order to preserve the Revolution's values and in pursuit of achieving its goals? To what extent did the January Revolution succeed in achieving its goals? What are the criteria that can be relied on in the assessment process?
