The study seeks to explore the repercussions of the Covid-19 crisis on democratic practice, human rights, and freedoms in democratic and autocratic systems, to reach the extent of the legitimacy of the procedures and measures taken in light of the state of health emergency to limit the spread of the Covid-19 Pandemic, and the repercussions of these measures on issues of legitimacy, equality, transparency and civil-military relations. One of the study findings is that the procedures taken by some countries, whether democratic or autocratic, have led to undermining democracy and escalated violations of human rights, especially violation of privacy, violation of freedom of expression, discrimination against vulnerable groups, and violation of the right to political participation. Therefore, it is necessary to strike a balance between the protection of public health and the commitment to democracy, through the establishment of the procedures to contain the pandemic on the principles of proportionality, appropriateness, necessity, equality and circumstantiality.
The paper proceeds from the fact that formal education is one of the most important foundations for formation of modern nation states in the current era, especially its location in the stages of building modern peoples and states. While the private and foreign education systems as well as home education have greatly developed after the spread of the principles of globalization, diversity and pluralism in various policies of educational, economic, financial and social administrations, the Covid-19 Pandemic has imposed significant transformations and challenges on patterns of governmental, foreign and private mass education, especially in the concept of mass education and self-learning, as well as the challenges of poverty and marginalization, and then the societal and political stability.
Economic data prior to the outbreak of the Covid-19 Pandemic indicates that the German economy is going in a direction opposite to the growth spurt that it has achieved over ten years. These declines come as a result of a number of reasons, most notably the global crisis in the auto industry, in addition to Britain's likely exit from the European Union without an agreement, which is closer to reality. Added to this are the recent developments in Hong Kong Island, amid Chinese threats, in addition to the US-China trade war. Then, the Covid-19 repercussions fueled these declines, while the closure procedures aimed at containing the emerging Coronavirus exhausted the European economy in general, the German economy in particular. The paper attempts to identify the most significant repercussions caused by the outbreak of Covid-19 on the German economy. It also addresses the most important economic policies that the German government has followed to confront these repercussions.
The paper proceeds from the fact that during the developments of the Covid-19 crisis, the role of the state as the protector of society from threats, whether democratic or authoritarian, has re-emerged. So, state institutions and bodies took over the implementation of preventive measures against the coronavirus, as well as pumping economic stimulus packages into the arteries of the economy by governments to reduce the negative repercussions that afflicted citizens. In the midst of this, the fear of the growing (control state) escalated, especially that regimes have snatched exceptional powers from legislative councils to legalize the expansion of the powers of governments. This fear stems from the fact that many of the monitoring measures that countries take in times of crises usually continue and become entrenched afterwards as a normal activity.
A few months after the start of the Corona crisis, the body of civil society began to recover, and it seemed that the directions of its recovery were taking multiple paths, some related to protest, and others related to cooperative; and the issue moved from the search for traditional recovery to raising unanswered questions about the ability to get out of a context where the structure imposed by the crisis imposes constructive responses, which, in turn, represents a real obstacle to the ability of civil society to resist. What are the features of developments? What are the responses of civil society to them?
The Covid-19 crisis has contributed to causing violent effects on health systems in most countries all over the world. This study attempts to identify these effects, with a brief application on some health systems in Egypt, the United States, China, Turkey and Germany. The study will also introduce a definition for the health system, in addition to defining the concept of the collapse of the health system, with presenting a case study for Egypt, China, the United States of America, Italy and Iran.
The problematic in this paper revolves around identifying the reality and potential shape of the world after the Covid-19 crisis and the impact of the pandemic on strategic interests and the war between the United States and China on world leadership, formulated in the following question: Will the Chinese project be negatively or positively affected by the new situation arising from Corona, in light of the dispute with the United States? Under this main question, there is a set of sub-questions that are related to the Chinese project and the Corona crisis: What are the most important features of the Chinese project? How did China manage the Covid-19 crisis and employ it at the external level? How will US-China relations be affected by the Corona crisis and where are they heading? Will the world be biased towards or hostile to China? How could the rise of China affect our Arab and Islamic region?
The study starts from a hypothesis that the Covid-19 crisis is likely to leave traces on the global order, which may last for many generations, with a clear change in the patterns of social relations within countries, and patterns of international relations in the global system. Since hegemony and leadership constitute the most prominent features of the global system, over which the international superpowers that control the course of global events, struggle, the debate is raging about the possibility that the world will witness a change in the centers of control. Here, an important question arises: Will the international order after Covid-19 be the same as before it, or will it witness changes at the level of its features and positions of its actors?
The importance of the problematic of this study emerges from explanation of the role of the image in the media, and tracing the historical development of the means of communication, with the problematics of the study, including: How to distinguish between the artistic image and the image as an advertising medium, to name a few? How do we recognize the semantic density in the first and distinguish it from the mono-meaning image in ads? And how can we overcome such difficulties when it comes to the screen and web links? Also, the following questions can be raised: Why does a picture change the individual's attitudes, while dozens of pictures cannot have the same effect? What makes an image have effective impact while some other images do not? How can an image be effective? What kind of effect an image is expected to have?
The study is premised on the fact that the fact that it is important to determine that the politicization readings must be motivated by the foundational readings, and that the excavation readings must be replaced by the revival readings. It is no longer useful to talk about the foundation visions at the beginning of every research, scholarly, or knowledge work, where the preamble is dominated by glorification expressions, adornment meanings, or completion requirements. Rather, we have to translate the "foundation visions" into a perpetual research movement that may leave its impact on all areas and diversities of life, every knowledge or research field, conceptual framework, and methodological system.
