The study seeks to provide an approach to the problem of the relationship between religion and politics, without siding with either of them. It addresses the reasons behind the misunderstanding associated with dealing with this problem, discusses some prevailing perceptions about secularism, and suggests a new definition of secularism and a more comprehensive classification of its various manifestations.
The study addresses the main options before Arab secularists today: either to understand that the Islamic religion is the key to the Arab personality, accept the "Sharia state", that is, a democratic state with Islamic legislative reference, or accept a democratic state that has no predetermined Islamist or secularist authority, leaving people to decide.
This study monitors and analyzes the discourse of the Egyptian mediasince President Mohamed Morsi took office at the end of June 2012, until the military coup in July 2013. It attempts to reveal the nature of of the most famous rumors that have been linked to the Morsi regime, analyzing their roots and how they spread within Egyptian society. It also outlines some of the most important strategies adopted by the media, and addresses examples of the coverage of the Egyptian media to demonstrate them. It addresses the backgrounds of some Egyptian media and the common features that combine them and attempt to explain the reasons behind adopting this type of media discourse.
The study suggests that the context of globalization has posed a theoretical challenge represented in the concept's mismatch with the current reality, given the intensity of the new variables presented by this context. The specialists in studying this phenomenon, have realized the need to reconsider the concept of state building, but that remains a theoretical ambition away from likely achievement, unless we realize that there is a decline in the Western liberal model in most developing countries, amid the emergence of local and alternative models in these countries, which partly reflects relations of global strengths and facts. State building between constants and variables; this duality raised chronic questions that remain unresolved up to this day on the following levels: sovereignty, international law, the principle of non-interference, redesign of state potential and functions, and the incentive to build, etc.
The study demonstrates that Donald Trump’s campaign for US presidency was overloaded with evident racist statements against Muslims in general, as well as the so called “Radical Islam”. Trump went too far in this trend to the extent that he pledged during his campaign to ban Muslims in general from entering the US. The study demonstrates the real reasons behind the attempt to designate the MB as FTO. It also concludes that the trends of the new administration are far beyond targeting the MB. It concluded that the current campaign is against Islam and stems from a combination of ideological factors, imperial domination ambitions and rival political trends. The study seeks to answer a few questions: why is the Trump administration so hasty in taking many controversial measures without allowing discussion of them in the public sphere, given the strong protests that accompanied them? And why is this issue in particular placed among the priorities of the first week of the presidential agenda, which is already crowded with many important matters that Trump promised to carry out on the American domestic scene and was the main reason for his rise to power? Is this worthy of the legal disputes that will result from it, or political disputes even within the camp of the Republican Party? Is the real goal of the administration with these decisions really facing terrorism? Is this the way in which it can fight terrorism? Are moderate organizations such as the Brotherhood and others targeted besides extremist organizations such as ISIS and Al-Qaeda, or is the influential Islamic action, whatever it may be, is targeted, or are Muslims in general targeted by such stances?
The study seeks to answer the question that imposes itself strongly on those who adopt the “Islamic civilizational project”, as they are one of the tributaries of the peaceful popular revolution, in thought and movement, who confront the tyranny and injustice that are targeting them more than other tributaries of the revolution – the question is about the attack and resistance; and what is new in this attack since the outbreak of revolutions, especially with the rise of the counter-revolutions? what is new in the resistance patterns? and how effective is it?