Despite agreement that the state should be subject to the law and should achieve the principle of legality, there is a wide difference between constitutional jurisprudence regarding the interpretation of the legal basis on which the principle of legality is based. The focus of this dispute has been: Why is the state subject to the law? Which comes first, the state or the law? In attempt by jurists to answer these questions, many theories have emerged tried to explain the basis of the state’s subordination to the law, and which one comes first in existence: the law or the state.
El-Affendi says that the British Publisher “Grey Seal Books” asked him to author a short book on a topic related to any contemporary Islamic idea, so he chose to write on the topic of the “Islamic State”. The book was initially published under the title: “Who Needs an Islamic State?” Its first edition came in 1991, in England. The author says that the book targeted the “thinking Muslim readers”. El-Affendi decided to author this book when he discovered that the arrival of an Islamist movement to power in Sudan was a real disaster because of its submission to authoritarian tendencies and the failure to make democracy a priority. The disaster becomes more tragic – according to El-Affandi – when we discover that the Islamic movement in Sudan was more open to democratic principles and ideas than most Islamic movements in other countries, although those movements were mainly victims of tyranny. The book was translated from English into Arabic, Turkish and Malay. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan commented on the book, when he was governor of Istanbul, that it was the most important book written for Islamic movements.
The study springs from the fact that the field of knowledge production is the higher education field that is most affected by globalization. It seems that the flow of information and data is an urgent hereditary feature of knowledge economy that absorbs globalization to become a system for distribution of knowledge, through increasing alliances and partnerships during the search for acquiring specialized and modern knowledge resulting from a wide range of basic and applied research, cutting-edge partnerships and confluence of basic and applied research. The distribution of knowledge production can create a world of collaborative arrangements; it is the need to possess specialized knowledge in all fields which underlies the current growth of networks and proliferation in research and development of companies and alliances.
Many Chinese foreign policy stances reveal that there is an almost unanimity among Chinese leaders in portraying the United States as a major source that is capable of obstructing Chinese interests abroad, were the source of concern for the Chinese is related to the American unilateral policies, which makes it difficult for China to protect its foreign interests in the short term. Meanwhile, Chinese officials and academics believe that the United States is preparing for a long conflict with China – to achieve the goal of containing it, as it did with the Soviet Union.
The study springs out from the hypothesis that policies of the international powers towards Sudan and Ethiopia come within the short and long term calculations, governed by the position of each country, with respect to its weight and influence, as well as its position in the international doctrine, the divisions of rapprochement and divergence with international powers, and its position in serving the existing international order.
Russia is the largest external supplier of oil and natural gas to the European Union, so, the European Union seeks to maintain and strengthen its role as a safe and reliable supplier of energy. For this reason, both parties have sought to establish a strategic partnership between them to ensure security of energy supplies. As far as the growing demand on Russian energy from the European Union is concerned, Russia seeks to turn this demand into a factor of strategic power, at a time when it is also in dire need to export its energy to the European Union, being the main consumer. In fact, Russia has transformed energy into political and economic gains, which has raised the United States’ concerns over its strategic partner and the global role that Russia plays using the energy card.
The Horn of Africa region has always been of particular significance in the strategies of interests of regional and international powers, to achieve their targets in the continent, even if means and tools to achieve these targets were different, according to the nature of variables of the international order. The countries of the Horn of Africa region are engaged in many conflicts, such as the Ethiopian-Eritrean conflict, the Djibouti-Eritrean conflict, the Somali-Ethiopian conflict, the crises of terrorism and piracy, and others. However, the region enjoys many natural resources such as oil and natural gas, in addition to the significant geographical location of some countries which led to militarization of the region through concentration of a number of foreign military bases that were established in the region for political, military and economic goals, giving the region great geostrategic importance.
The study addresses the military balances amid the Russian-Ukrainian war, exploring the strategies of armies of Western countries and the Russian Federation, the repercussions of the military conflict on the rules and infrastructure of the international order, and highlighting the risks the world is exposed to, in light of continuation of the war, which came in time of economic exhaustion after the Coronavirus Pandemic. The study also attempts to handle the conflicting narratives and military strategies between international and regional actors, which makes prolongation of the military conflict and unwillingness to cease fire, reasons for further complicating the negotiating structure of the conflicting parties.
The study seeks to provide an answer to the main question as well as sub-questions that revolve around the nature of conditions that can determine the policies that China may pursue towards the two sides of the conflict, and how much China has been effective towards the war. The author followed the analytical method to study and analyze the circumstances surrounding the Chinese politics. The study concluded that China considers Russia a strategic ally, but such alliance is more linked to economic interests and hostility to America and the West than being linked to ideology.
The study attempts to find out the reality of military penetration of Egypt’s local administration; how far this pattern of administration is effective, to society or to regime, as well as its viability and likely survival. The paper also attempts to explore whether this military domination of local government is due to existence of a (fundamental) authoritarian need, or to an (objective) need for a strong local authority after a revolution that led to loosening grip of the central government?
This study sheds light on private companies working in the field of security protection and military interventions. The importance of this study lies in highlighting the role of these companies in international wars and conflicts as a major reliable actor. The study discusses how far the activities of these companies are legal from the perspective of international law, especially international humanitarian law.
The study addresses sources of sovereignty in the Iranian political system, at the intellectual and constitutional level, and their repercussions on the principle of balance between powers. The study is divided into two main axes: the first relates to the development of theories of Shiite political thought, with focus on four main theories: the taqiyya (dissimulation) theory, the limited public deputization or representation (of Imam), Velayat-al-Faqih (guardianship of the jurist), and the absolute Velayat-al-Faqih. The second axis is related to reviewing the sources of sovereignty in the Iranian Constitution, first by addressing the three sources of sovereignty: Allah, Nation, and Vali al-Faqih; second, the official political institutions sanctioned by the Constitution, and the extent of dominance of the leader (Vali al-Faqih) over those institutions, and how far the principle of balance between powers is achieved.
Tunisia has been moving at a steady pace towards democratic transformation since the outbreak of the Tunisian revolution in late 2010, until it became, according to most international classifications, a democratic state, compared to the rest of the Arab experiences whose revolutions were aborted through counter-revolutions and popular despair or were not able to move forward in their path towards democracy. Thus, the Tunisian experience was considered the exception and the ideal model for democratic liberation from the grip of tyranny among the peoples of the Arab world. Despite the fact that democracy was the one that brought the "independent" Kais Saied as elected president of the Tunisian republic; however, he created political and administrative disputes that led to the undermining of state agencies and disruption of government activities, posing threats to public interests.
The study addresses the political scene before the latest polls or the furnishing of the scene of 8 September 2021, so to speak, mainly due to the fact that the performance of the previous government was a major determinant of the electoral behavior of the citizen. The study also deals with the behavior of political parties and elites with the main political actor in Morocco. Certainly, this whole pattern does not go without the practice of democratic action in the country, as modern Morocco took its first step in this path at the beginning of the second millennium.
The Horn of Africa's security and social environment
