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Introduction

Issue No.15 of the Egypt Institute Journal, published in July 2019, included a number of political, strategic, economic, intellectual and legal articles, as follows:

 

1- ‘Role of Social Sciences in Combating Violent Extremism’, by Jalal Khushaib (Algeria)

This paper addresses the founding roots of violent extremism and terrorism in the Islamic world, based on the ideas that Malik bin Nabi found in his books, in attempt to prove the hypothesis that: There is a direct relationship between social sciences and the phenomenon of violent extremism. The more the impact of social sciences prevails in a society, the less its members are likely to embrace or practice extremism, and vice versa. The paper also attempts to answer the following questions:

What are the most important theoretical approaches in studying the causes of violent extremism and terrorism?

How far can these approaches explain the phenomenon? Did they provide radical solutions for it?

What is meant by the ‘world of ideas’ according to Malik bin Nabi and what is its relationship to the phenomenon of violent extremism or terrorism?

What are the sciences that fuel emergence and enhancement of these pathological phenomena, and what are the sciences that help prevent them? How and Why?

What is the relationship between the academic specialization of an individual and his way of thinking? What does this have to do with the phenomenon of violent extremism?

How does the intellectual structure of the societal environment contribute to the emergence of phenomena of violent extremism and terrorism? What are the institutions contributing to this?

How is the “terrorist's mind” structured?

 

2- ‘Crises of Saudi regime between Continuity and Change’, by Amjad Ahmed Jibril (Palestine)

Since the launch of Vision 2030 more than three years ago, controversy has escalated over the fate of the “transitional phase” that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is going through. While some argue that the transitional phase will end with implementation of Vision 2030 despite the difficulties and challenges facing it, which means success in formulating “public policies” on sound foundations, leading to the solution / reduction of crises in the country. However, others argue that Vision 2030 is not qualitatively new for the overall policy-making process in Saudi Arabia, that remains governed by a set of structural determinants / constraints, which in turn reflects the regime crises, whether inherited from previous eras or emerging during the reign of King Salman.

In this context, the study attempts to answer a major question: How did the Saudi regime’s crises affect public policy making during the reign of Salman bin Abdul Aziz, especially after his son Mohammad took over as Crown Prince in mid-2017?

Thus, the crises of the Saudi regime are considered the independent variable in this study, while the policy making process is considered the dependent variable.

 

3- ‘Militarization of Civil Ministries in Egypt: The Case of Education Ministry’, by Amgad Hamdi (Egypt)

The study addresses militarization of the education sector in Egypt, which began with the armed forces’ establishment of private schools and the military medical school, and the technological school; in addition to militarization of the Ministry of Education’s leading positions, supplying school student meals, and supervising the Cairo University Hostel’s kitchens by the armed forces’ national service sector. Meanwhile, the Armed Forces Engineering Authority (AFEA) has supervised construction of Japanese schools, in addition to AFEA’s building of 257 model schools with a total of 3520 educational classes in 18 governorates. Also, AFEA is now building 225 schools for the educational building authority, including 98 schools in Upper Egyptian governorates. AFEA has also constructed 100 schools with a total of 1668 classes in 17 governorates, funded by the United Arab Emirates.

 

4- ‘Lebanese Hezbollah: Challenges of Reality and Future Tracks’, by Badria Al-Rawi (Lebanon)

In light of the pursuit of some resistance groups, such as Hezbollah of Lebanon, to achieve additional goals beyond their primary role, their weapons and agendas have become a problem for regional and local parties. Hezbollah does not hesitate to fight battles against people in its own country or in the neighboring countries. What are the justifications for such acts? What are the functional roles played by Hezbollah through participation in these battles?

 

5- ‘Lone Wolves: Operations and Confrontation Strategies’, by Alaa Adel (Egypt)

The study of the tactic of the “lone wolf” within the jihadist state in isolation from the general context of this phenomenon may lead to false conclusions; therefore, a careful understanding of this term requires profound anatomy, including exploration of its background and historical roots and discussing the linguistic controversy around it among researchers.

The paper concludes that despite all the weaknesses and modest results of the ‘lone wolf’ tactic, in light of its high cost, the jihadist lone wolf attacks pose an unavoidable threat, whether due to the increasing number of targeted countries from the 1990s until the new millennium, or the number of victims that are killed or injured as a result of lone wolf attacks.

 

6- Fifth Domain – Cyberspace: Development and Hegemony Policies

The study starts from the fact that the four known domains of the traditional armed confrontations between countries (land, sea, air, and space) are no longer alone on the international scene, with the emergence of a fifth domain of confrontation, namely, the cyberspace, where cyber ​​war is expected to be the dominant feature, if not the main feature of future wars in the twenty-first century.

The danger of Internet and network wars lies in the fact that the world is becoming more and more dependent on Cyberspace, especially in the military, banking and governmental information infrastructures as well as public and private institutions and companies.

The interest of world countries, especially the developed ones, in the fifth domain, the cyberspace, especially in establishing armies capable of defending vital State institutions, makes the fifth domain occupy a large part of the countries’ policies and in their future strategies.

 

7- Ideological Conflict and Division within ISIS

The waning of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in the field of ground fighting, the fall of its strongholds in Iraq and Syria, and the death of most of its leaders are not the only manifestations of a crisis that is ravaging the ranks of the militant organization and threatening its existence. In fact, the cracking in ISIS ideological structure and the sharp division among its leaders, Sharia theorists, preachers and soldiers is the most prominent manifestation of this crisis, especially, that this division was not due to different jurisprudential, strategic or organizational stances or views, but it was due to a conflict in ideological and methodological convictions.

The paper attempts to approach this thorny topic in the light of the following questions:

– What are these differences about and when did they arise within ISIS?

– What are the ideas and convictions of the rival streams?

– What are the causes, background, dimensions and manifestations of this division?

– What is the attitude of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi towards this dispute?

The study aims to shed light on a corner of the Islamic State as long as the militant organization wants it to remain in the shadows, in order to preserve the coherence of its structure and unite its supporters and followers, namely, the ideological conflict and rift between its leaders.

 

8- Features of Taliban Political Project

The study is based on three main premises in its attempt to understand the Taliban movement’s political project; the first, the fact that Taliban’s entry into the world of politics was spontaneous after its control of power in Kabul and was not preceded by any academic theoretical study or political ideology from the Taliban leaders; the second, the fact that there was no significant change in the core of the movement’s project, which is to adhere to the independence and Islamic nature of Afghanistan, but Taliban has become more aware of regional and global political reality and has developed its performance and tools in dealing with it; and the third, is the fact that there was evident change in the movement’s policy with respect to the social and media aspects.

In this issue:

This study introduces various definitions of addiction, and addresses drug dependence, drug habituation, statistics and figures related to addiction over the world, addiction types and symptoms, and treatment programs, including physical and psychological treatment.

The study addresses the importance of the army in ancient Egypt, and its role in peace and war, through two topics and a conclusion with the most important results reached by the study.

This article addresses the Egyptian agricultural policies, the giant agricultural projects that serve major corporations, the policy of production for export, and controlling the production of milk and focusing it in the hands of these major companies. The paper also addresses the crisis of likely severe shortage in water, raising several questions about the decline from defending water rights to accepting anything and attempting to adapt to impositions of the general state of weakness in the internal and external policies that dominate Egypt.

This study seeks to explain the impact of political transformations on the reality of education in Tunisia, considering the political dimension directly related to the educational dimension, the argument of the relationship between them, and the total results achieved in different periods of Tunisia’s history, starting from independence up to January 14, 2011 revolution.

The article seeks to monitor aspects of the militarization of the administration and decision-making positions in various sectors of the Ministry of Transport, identify the reasons that contributed to militarization of the Ministry of Transport, and discuss the problems arising from summoning leaders from outside the institution to manage it and the impact of this on the human cadres in the ministry and the decisions of officials coming from outside the institution. The study also addresses the effect of controlling reins of management in any institution by leaders belonging to one faction, and the impact of the control of military leaders on a civilian institution in terms of accountability and decision-making.

This study is an attempt to understand the framework of the “September 20 mobilization”, and why the researcher calls it “a conditional protest contract”? Does this conditionality mean that Egyptians reversed options of January 25 revolution? What is the alternative to ‘conditional protest’? What are these conditions? And why Egyptians insist on that ‘conditional protest’? Will the criteria for judging the “September 20 mobilization’ apply to any coming mobilization?

This paper aims to study, analyze and track developments of the role of Egyptian diplomatic apparatus before and after the revolution. It addresses the issue of state diplomacy and regime diplomacy, as well as the concept and meaning of the role of diplomacy, whether in making or implementing foreign policy. The study explores whether the role played by Egyptian diplomats is governed by the vision, orientation, and trend of the Egyptian diplomatic apparatus, or they are merely civil servants subject to directives and orientations of the regime?

This study seeks to answer the following questions: Can the Arab Spring affect the public policy researcher and the way of addressing issues? What are the distinctions and differences if there are any? How can a public policy researcher in the Arab world address the context of the Arab Spring in a way that may lead to better results for produced studies and papers as well as the Arab countries and peoples?

This article examines the performance of the political system in Ethiopia, its approach to settling the national issue and national integration, through analyzing the intellectual formulas to build the political system and the policies that have been adopted in formation of power and political parties, given that these components may help in identifying the course of politics in Ethiopia.

This paper raises the need to answer new developments arising from the reality of questions related to the future of national sovereignty in light of the modern international orientation network related to economic, social, cultural and political changes, that are produced by the new global system. Thus, it arouses the interest of statesmen and policymakers.

The study proceeds from assuming that Ankara has signed the memoranda of understanding with Libya’s UN-recognized Government of National Accord (GNA) within the framework of a legal maneuver, as Ankara has not signed a final agreement with GNA, based on its awareness of the need to ratify the final agreements by Parliament. However, Turkey wanted to test the pulse of the Mediterranean basin actors and explore their positions by activating these memos, and then move according to these positions.

The paper seeks to explore the future geopolitical effects of the American deal known as the “deal of the century” on several Middle East countries. It has become clear that the deal aims to terminate the file of the Arab-Israeli conflict related to the Palestinian issue. Given its ramifications, the Palestinian issue can only be terminated at the expense of several neighboring countries, through redrawing borders to form the expected “New Palestine” State, which will mostly be at the expense of Egypt. According to the deal, the issue of Palestinian refugees is expected to be resolved at the expense of Jordan and Lebanon.

This study seeks to answer the question: What is the future of Arab countries in light of the cultures of fear, hope, and humiliation and to what extent are they able to transform emotions of fear and humiliation into feelings of trust and hope?

This study addresses the phenomenon of informality which represents accumulation of exceptional cases that continue and spread, leading to several negative effects. Among the most prominent reasons that allow empowerment of informality is the phenomenon of power or authority and its perceptions towards itself and others, as well as the state of indifference and lack of awareness that dominates a society. The study concludes that: authoritarian power + indifference and lack of awareness in society = accumulation and devotion of the phenomenon of informality.

This study attempts to shed light on “Abu Musab Al-Suri”, one of the most prominent theorists of the jihadist movement in the Islamic world, in addition to a brief account of his personal life, monitoring his intellectual output, and analyzing his theories in support of “jihad” and developing it in his book, “Calling the International Islamic Resistance” by creating a hybrid model from resistance and structural organization methods and new methods and less hierarchical organizations. The study adopts the descriptive and analytical methodology based on two determinants: the first is observation of the reality in which the intellectual and “strategic experiences of “Abu Musab al-Suri" were formed; and then analyzing his intellectual achievement and theories of resistance in light of the experiences available to him and the influences that formulated them.